Myśląc Ojczyzna red. Stanisław Michalkiewicz (2008-04-16)

Myśląc Ojczyzna red. Stanisław Michalkiewicz (2008-04-16)
Witold Pilecki was born May 13, 1901, in Olonets on the shores of Lake Ladoga in Karelia, Russia, where his family had been forcibly resettled by Tsarist Russian authorities after the suppression of Poland's January Uprising of 1863–1864. His grandfather, Józef Pilecki, had spent seven years in exile in Siberia for his part in the uprising. In 1910, Pilecki moved with his family to Wilno (now Vilnius, Lithuania), where he completed Commercial School and joined the secret ZHP Scouts organization. In 1916, he moved to Orel, Russia, where he founded a local ZHP group.[1]

During World War I, in 1918, Pilecki joined Polish self-defense units in the Wilno area, and, under General Władysław Wejtka, helped collect weapons and disarm retreating, demoralized German troops in what became the prelude to the Vilna offensive. He subsequently took part in the Polish-Soviet War of 1919–1920. Serving under Major Jerzy Dąbrowski, he commanded a ZHP Scout section. When his sector of the front was overrun by the Bolsheviks, his unit for a time conducted partisan warfare behind enemy lines. Pilecki later joined the regular Polish Army and fought in the Polish retreat from Kiev as part of a cavalry unit defending Grodno (in present-day Belarus). On August 5, 1920, he joined the 211th Uhlan Regiment and fought in the crucial Battle of Warsaw and at Rudniki Forest (Puszcza Rudnicka) and took part in the liberation of Wilno. He was twice awarded the Krzyż Walecznych (Cross of Valor) for gallantry.[1]

After the Polish-Soviet War ended in 1921 with the Peace of Riga, Pilecki passed his high-school graduation exams (matura) in Wilno and in 1926, was demobilized with the rank of cavalry ensign. In the interbellum, he worked on his family's farm in the village of Sukurcze.[1] On April 7, 1931, he married Maria Pilecka (1906 – February 6, 2002), née Ostrowska. They had two children, born in Wilno: Andrzej (January 16, 1932) and Zofia (March 14, 1933).


[edit] World War II breaks out
Shortly before the outbreak of World War II, on August 26, 1939, Pilecki was mobilized and joined the 19th Polish Infantry Division of Army Prusy as a cavalry-platoon commander. His unit took part in heavy fighting in the Invasion of Poland against the advancing Germans and was partially destroyed. Pilecki's platoon withdrew southeast toward Lwów (now L'viv, in Ukraine) and the Romanian bridgehead and was incorporated into the recently formed 41st Infantry Division. During the September Campaign, Pilecki and his men destroyed seven German tanks and shot down two aircraft. On September 17, after the Soviet Union invaded eastern Poland pursuant to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, Pilecki's division was disbanded and he returned to Warsaw with his commander, Major Jan Włodarkiewicz.[1]

On November 9, 1939, the two men founded the Secret Polish Army (Tajna Armia Polska, TAP), one of the first underground organizations in Poland. Pilecki became its organizational commander and expanded TAP to cover not only Warsaw but Siedlce, Radom, Lublin and other major cities of central Poland. By 1940, TAP had approximately 8,000 men (more than half of them armed), some 20 machine guns and several anti-tank rifles. Later, the organization was incorporated into the Home Army (Armia Krajowa) and became the core of the Wachlarz unit.[1]


[edit] The Auschwitz campaign: 945 days

Street roundup in northern Warsaw's Żoliborz district, 1941In 1940, Pilecki presented to his superiors a plan to enter Germany's Auschwitz concentration camp at Oświęcim (the Polish name of the locality), gather intelligence on the camp from the inside, and organize inmate resistance. Until then, little had been known about the Germans' running of the camp, and it was thought to be an internment camp or large prison rather than a death camp. His superiors approved the plan and provided him a false identity card in the name of "Tomasz Serafiński." On September 19, 1940, he deliberately went out during a Warsaw street roundup (łapanka), and was caught by the Germans along with some 2,000 innocent civilians (among them, Władysław Bartoszewski). After two days of torture in Wehrmacht barracks, the survivors were sent to Auschwitz. Pilecki was tattooed on his forearm with the number 4859.[1]


Auschwitz concentration camp photos of Pilecki.At Auschwitz, while working in various kommandos and surviving pneumonia, Pilecki organized an underground Union of Military Organizations (Związek Organizacji Wojskowych, ZOW). ZOW's tasks were to improve inmate morale, provide news from outside, distribute extra food and clothing to members, set up intelligence networks, and train detachments to take over the camp in the event of a relief attack by the Home Army, arms airdrops, or an airborne landing by the Polish 1st Independent Parachute Brigade, based in Britain.[1]

By 1941, ZOW had grown substantially. Members included the famous Polish sculptor Xawery Dunikowski and ski champion Bronisław Czech, and worked in the camp's SS administration office (Mrs. Rachwalowa, Capt. Rodziewicz, Mr. Olszowka, Mr. Jakubski, Mr. Miciukiewicz), the storage magazines (Mr. Czardybun) and the Sonderkommando, which burned human corpses (Mr. Szloma Dragon and Mr. Henryk Mendelbaum). The organization had its own underground court and supply lines to the outside. Thanks to civilians living nearby, the organization regularly received medical supplies.[1]

ZOW provided the Polish underground with priceless information on the camp. Many smaller underground organizations at Auschwitz eventually merged with ZOW. In the autumn of 1941, Colonel Jan Karcz was transferred to the newly-created Birkenau death camp, where he proceeded to organize ZOW structures. By spring of 1942, the organization had over 1,000 members, including women and people of other nationalities, at most of the sub-camps. The inmates constructed a radio receiver and hid it in the camp hospital.[1]

From October 1940, ZOW sent reports to Warsaw, and beginning March 1941, Pilecki's reports were being forwarded via the Polish resistance to the British government in London. These reports were a principal source of intelligence on Auschwitz for the Western Allies. Pilecki hoped that either the Allies would drop arms or troops into the camp, or the Home Army would organize an assault on it from outside. By 1943, however, he realized that no such plans existed. Meanwhile the Gestapo redoubled its efforts to ferret out ZOW members, succeeding in killing many of them. Pilecki decided to break out of the camp, with the hope of personally convincing Home Army leaders that a rescue attempt was a valid option. When he was assigned to a night shift at a camp bakery outside the fence, he and two comrades overpowered a guard, cut the phone line and escaped on the night of April 26–April 27, 1943, taking along documents stolen from the Germans. In the event of capture, they were prepared to swallow cyanide. After several days, with the help of local civilians, they contacted Home Army units. Pilecki submitted another detailed report on conditions at Auschwitz.[1]


[edit] Back outside Auschwitz: the Warsaw Uprising.
On August 25, 1943, Pilecki reached Warsaw and joined the Home Army's intelligence department. The Home Army, after losing several operatives in reconnoitering the vicinity of the camp, including the Cichociemny commando Stefan Jasieński, decided that it lacked sufficient strength to capture the camp without Allied help. Pilecki's detailed report (Raport Witolda—"Witold's Report") was sent to London. The British authorities refused the Home Army air support for an operation to help the inmates escape. An air raid was considered too risky, and Home Army reports on Nazi atrocities at Auschwitz were deemed to be gross exaggerations (Pilecki wrote: "During the first 3 years, at Auschwitz there perished 2 million people; in the next 2 years—3 million"). The Home Army in turn decided that it didn't have enough force to storm the camp by itself.[1]

Pilecki was soon promoted to cavalry captain (rotmistrz) and joined a secret anti-communist organization, NIE ("NO or NIEpodleglosc - independence"), formed as a secret organization within the Home Army with the goal of preparing resistance against a possible Soviet occupation.[1]

When the Warsaw Uprising broke out on August 1, 1944, Pilecki volunteered for the Kedyw's Chrobry II group. At first, he fought in the northern city center without revealing his actual rank, as a simple private. Later, he disclosed his true identity and accepted command of the 2nd Company, fighting in the Towarowa and Pańska Streets area. His forces held a fortified area called the "Great Bastion of Warsaw". It was one of the most outlying partisan redoubts and caused considerable difficulties for German supply lines. The bastion held for two weeks in the face of constant attacks by German infantry and armor. On the capitulation of the uprising, Pilecki hid some weapons in a private apartment and went into captivity. He spent the rest of the war in German prisoner-of-war camps at Łambinowice and Murnau.[1]


[edit] Soviet take over of Poland
After July 11, 1945, Pilecki joined the 2nd Polish Corps. He received orders to clandestinely transport a large sum of money to Soviet-occupied Poland, but the operation was called off. In September 1945, he was ordered by General Władysław Anders to return to Poland and gather intelligence to be sent to the Polish Government in Exile.[1]

He went back and proceeded to organize his intelligence network, while also writing a monograph on Auschwitz. In the spring of 1946, however, the Polish Government in Exile decided that the postwar political situation afforded no hope of Poland's liberation and ordered all partisans still in the forests either to return to their normal civilian lives or to escape to the West. Pilecki declined to leave, but proceeded to dismantle the partisan forces in eastern Poland. In April 1947, he began collecting evidence on Soviet atrocities and on the prosecution of Poles (mostly members of the Home Army and the 2nd Polish Corps) and their executions or imprisonment in Soviet gulags.[1]


Photos of Pilecki from Warsaw's Mokotow prison (1947).On May 8, 1947, he was arrested by the Polish security service (Urząd Bezpieczeństwa). Prior to trial, he was repeatedly tortured but revealed no sensitive information and sought to protect other prisoners. On March 3, 1948, a staged trial took place. Testimony against him was presented by a future Polish prime minister, Józef Cyrankiewicz, himself an Auschwitz survivor. Pilecki was accused of illegal crossing of the borders, use of forged documents, not enlisting with the military, carrying illegal arms, espionage for general Władysław Anders (head of the military of the Polish Government in Exile) and preparing an assassination on several officials from the Ministry of Public Security of Poland. Pilecki denied the assassination charges, as well as espionage (although he admitted to passing information to the II Polish Corps of whom he considered himself an officer and thus claimed that he was not breaking any laws); he pleaded guilty to the other charges. On May 15, with three of his comrades, he was sentenced to death. Ten days later, on May 25, 1948, he was executed at Warsaw's Mokotow Prison on ulica Rakowiecka (Rakowiecka Street)

Pilecki's conviction was part of a prosecution of Home Army members and others connected with the Polish Government in Exile in London. In 2003, the prosecutor and several others involved in the trial were charged with complicity in Pilecki's murder. Cyrankiewicz escaped similar proceedings, having died.[1]

After Poland regained its independence, Witold Pilecki and all others sentenced in the staged trial were rehabilitated on October 1, 1990. In 1995, he received posthumously the Order of Polonia Restituta.

His place of burial has never been found. He is thought to have been buried in a rubbish dump near Warsaw's Powązki Cemetery.

Until 1989, information on his exploits and fate was suppressed by the Polish communist regime.[1]


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VII Sympozjum z cyklu "Przyszłość cywilizacji zachodu" prof. dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński

VII Sympozjum z cyklu "Przyszłość cywilizacji zachodu" prof। dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński

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Profesor Wolniewicz + Profesor Nowak w TV TRWAM

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Polityczna pornografia Grossa Prof. Bogusław Wolniewicz

Polityczna pornografia Grossa Prof. Bogusław Wolniewicz


Polityczna pornografia Grossa
Nasz Dziennik, 2008-01-24
Nie miałem złudzeń co do rządów Tuska. Tu się różniłem z profesorem Jerzym Robertem Nowakiem, gdyż uważałem, że trzeba temu rządowi dać na początek kredyt zaufania. Żeby pokazał czynem, co naprawdę zamierza, bez tej przedwyborczej gadaniny. Otóż upłynęły dwa miesiące i ten rząd rzeczywiście już pokazał, co zamierza - muszę powiedzieć, że przeszedł moje najgorsze oczekiwania. Nie miałem złudzeń, ale tego się jednak nie spodziewałem. Wygląda na to, iż ten rząd ma dwa priorytety. Pierwszy to zniszczyć Radio Maryja - to już pokazał, od tego zaczął swą polityczną działalność. Zniszczyć Radio Maryja, czyli zagwarantować monopol medialny lewackiemu libertyństwu, który zakłóca Radio Maryja.

Drugi priorytet tego rządu nazwałbym kontrreformą. Czyli anulowanie, zlikwidowanie, wymazanie prób podjętych przez rząd poprzedniej koalicji, zmierzających - może nie zawsze najbardziej umiejętnie - w kierunku naprawy państwa. Po pierwsze, pan minister Ziobro dążył do przywrócenia w sądownictwie elementarnej praworządności. Obecny minister, pan Ćwiąkalski, staje na głowie, żeby wyrwać z korzeniami to, co Ziobro zdziałał. W szkolnictwie celem było przywrócenie dyscypliny ucznia - elementarny warunek wszelkiego wychowania - który słusznie forsował pan minister Giertych. Teraz chcą to wymazać do zera. W administracji rząd dążył do ograniczenia korupcji urzędniczej i miał na tym polu pewne sukcesy. Ograniczeniu korupcji przez możliwość szantażu, co jest śmiertelnym niebezpieczeństwem dla każdego państwa, służyć miała między innymi lustracja. A tu widzę, że może być tak, jak za Gierka: zielone światło dla korupcji. To, że kontrreforma idzie na całego, tego się nie spodziewałem, ale to jeszcze od biedy mogę sobie wytłumaczyć, bo wiem, jacy ludzie to robią. Jak obejrzałem tych ministrów, tę plejadę naszych nowych wodzów, mogłem sobie wyobrazić, czego się można po nich spodziewać. Ale nie mogę zrozumieć, dlaczego Polakom podoba się to, że niszczy się próby podjęte przez poprzedni rząd, zmierzające do naprawy państwa. Rozumiałbym, gdyby powiedziano: Ziobro zrobił tak, a można by to zrobić lepiej, albo: Giertych tak, a teraz Hall zrobi to lepiej. Ale nie, wszystko się anuluje i wykreśla. I Polakom, których, jak słyszę, połowa jest za Platformą Obywatelską, to się podoba. Można tylko powiedzieć: dziwny ten Naród. Tyle na temat rządu.
A teraz co do sprawy wydania książki "Strach" Jana T. Grossa. To jest tylko jeden ruch, sztych wielkiej operacji politycznej, w której on jest jedynie gorliwym pionkiem. Nie o niego tu chodzi. Ta operacja ma dwa kierunki strategiczne: antychrześcijański i antypolski. Forsuje się propagandowo na cały świat dwie tezy, tak samo monstrualne, jak monstrualne było kłamstwo katyńskie, że to Niemcy mordowali naszych oficerów pod Smoleńskiem czy w Charkowie, czy w Miednoje. Teza pierwsza ma charakter właśnie antychrześcijański: próbuje się wmówić światu, że moralną odpowiedzialność za zagładę Żydów europejskich w czasie II wojny światowej ponosi chrześcijaństwo, a szczególnie Kościół katolicki. (Tak np. z głupia frant mówi się, że "wszyscy żydobójcy byli ochrzczeni" - jakby z tego coś wynikało.) Druga teza - antypolska - sformułowana bez ogródek, że bezpośrednimi sprawcami zagłady Żydów europejskich byli z jednej strony bliżej nieokreśleni naziści, a z drugiej bardzo dokładnie określeni narodowościowo Polacy. Żydów wymordowali naziści i Polacy - tak trąbi propaganda. I temu celowi służy także książka Grossa. Ale to jest tylko jeden ruch czy sztych w tej akcji. Książka Grossa i poparcie, jakie jej zostało udzielone, nawet zachwyt, z jakim została przyjęta przez wiele środowisk Żydów amerykańskich, tych z Brooklynu, pokazuje jedną rzecz. Może ojciec i pan profesor się ze mną nie zgodzą, ale przekonanie moje jest takie: książka Grossa i jej wzięcie w środowiskach żydowskich pokazują, że wielka, historyczna inicjatywa Jana Pawła II, by doprowadzić do istotnej poprawy w stosunkach chrześcijańsko-żydowskich przez wzajemne uznanie przez obie strony - chrześcijańską i żydowską - także pewnych racji drugiej strony, się nie powiodła. Ta inicjatywa spaliła na panewce z powodu braku wzajemności z drugiej strony. Książka Grossa jest tego tylko miniprzykładem. I tu mam jedną małą rozbieżność z panem profesorem Jerzym Robertem Nowakiem. Pan profesor w pierwszej części audycji powiedział, że Gross zaszkodził "dość owocnemu" dialogowi polsko-żydowskiemu. Ja sądzę, iż Gross żadnemu dialogowi nie zaszkodził, bo takiego dialogu nie było. Były tylko pozory. Strona żydowska chętnie przyjmowała pewne ustępstwa z naszej strony, sama nie czyniąc żadnych. Jeżeli ktoś uważa, że to nieprawda, co powiedziałem, to proszę o jeden przykład uznania z tamtej strony ich przewinień wobec strony chrześcijańskiej. Gross kilka dni temu twierdził na antenie radia TOK FM, przedstawiając stanowisko tamtej strony, że Żydzi "nikomu nic nie zawinili". To znaczy, oni mają tytuł do pretensji do wszystkich dookoła, ze świętym Kościołem rzymskokatolickim na czele, a oni nic nikomu nie zawinili. Przecież przy takim założeniu nie może być mowy o żadnym dialogu. W dialogu potrzebna jest wola porozumienia obu stron. Przepiękną ilustracją tego jest "produkt" Grossa. Tu nie ma woli porozumienia. Tu jest wola czy chęć postawienia nam nogi na twarz. Tak się ustawiwszy, mogą z nami rozmawiać. Tyle jeśli chodzi o tezę pierwszą - antychrześcijańską. Co do tezy drugiej, że Polacy są jakoby współwinowajcami, a nawet głównymi współwinowajcami zagłady Żydów europejskich, ojciec Dariusz powiedział nadzwyczaj trafnie: że wnosząc z książki Grossa, wygląda na to, iż to Polacy sprowokowali II wojnę światową po to, aby pozbyć się Żydów i wypędzić Niemców, i przejąć ich mienie. To właśnie chce się wmówić światu. Otóż książka Grossa, która tę tezę głosi, jest poznawczo bezwartościowa. Słyszałem, że jacyś Polacy ją kupują, i to podobno masowo. Nie wiem, po co ją kupują, chyba że kupują ją jako polityczną pornografię. Pornografia polityczna polega bowiem na tym, iż się szczuje przeciwko sobie dwa narody - Polaków na Żydów i Żydów na Polaków - przez drastyczne obrazy, którymi ekscytuje się wyobraźnię, nie troszcząc się o ich prawdziwość. To jest pornografia podobna do tej, jaka była w Streicherowskim "Stürmerze". Ten sam duch z tego wieje: ekscytowanie wyobraźni, tylko oczywiście w innym kierunku. Przykład tego ekscytowania bez dbałości, czy to jest prawda, czy nie, mieliśmy w owej audycji radia TOK FM z 16 stycznia. Redaktor, który prowadził audycję, zakwestionował u Grossa to, co on mówił o udziale Kurasia "Ognia" [Józef Kuraś - jeden z dowódców podziemia niepodległościowego po wojnie] i jego oddziału, a mianowicie, że Kuraś powiedział o Żydach coś, co by go kompromitowało: "Ależ proszę pana - powiedział prowadzący audycję dziennikarz - to, co pan tam cytuje jako historyczną wypowiedź, to jest zmyślenie Władysława Machejka z powieści ťWczoraj przeszedł tu huraganŤ". I na to Gross odpowiedział: "Jeżeli to nie jest prawdą, to zostało dobrze zmyślone. To jest nieprawda trafiona, bo Kuraś tak właśnie myślał". Gross wie, jak Kuraś myślał, lepiej niż sam Kuraś. Otóż to jest właśnie to, co nazywam polityczną pornografią. Niektórzy mówią, że wydanie takiej książki, złośliwie znieważającej Polaków i chrześcijan w ogóle, przez polskie i katolickie wydawnictwo Znak jest skandalem. To nie jest skandal, to jest łajdactwo. A tym, który się tego łajdactwa dopuścił, jest pan Henryk Woźniakowski z Krakowa. To nazwisko my, Polacy, powinniśmy zapamiętać. Antypolska i antykatolicka działalność takiego wydawnictwa jak Znak jest trudna do pojęcia, ale jeszcze trudniejsze do pojęcia jest dla mnie to, co usłyszałem dzisiaj od pana profesora Nowaka. A mianowicie, że rektor Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, samego serca polskiej kultury, organizuje spotkanie z tym hochsztaplerem i naszym wrogiem Janem Tomaszem Grossem, i tak go chce nobilitować. Publikacja Grossa w Polsce miała i ma jeden podstawowy cel: uwierzytelnić tę książkę w oczach Zachodu. Powiedzą przecież: "Patrzcie, wydali ją sami Polacy, katolicy. Czyżby jakikolwiek naród był na tyle nierozumny, by wydawać taką książkę o sobie samym, gdyby jej nie akceptował?". To wydanie posłuży za dowód prawdziwości. Poza wszystkim innym dowód ten to cios w plecy zadany przez Polaków amerykańskiej Polonii. Amerykańska Polonia to nie są wprawdzie już nasi rodacy, bo to nie są Polacy, lecz Amerykanie polskiego pochodzenia. Uznajemy to, tak powinno być. Ale to są nasi pobratymcy, którzy stoją pod stałym obstrzałem tych z Brooklynu. Te wszystkie kawały o Polakach, tzw. polish jokes, które przedstawiają Polaków jako ostatnich głupców i prymitywów, stamtąd przecież wychodzą. Polonia, która jest pod takim obstrzałem propagandowym, próbuje się jakoś bronić przed krzywdzącymi ją zarzutami, że Polacy są tacy, jak ich przedstawia Gross. A tu wydawnictwo Znak i rektor Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego chcą im wytrącić broń z ręki. Naszym pobratymcom jesteśmy winni wsparcie, a nie dywersję. Już raz zrobiliśmy im dywersję, pan profesor pamięta, jak polskie MSZ w styczniu wydało tę haniebną pro-Grossowską książczynę. I teraz my się znowu do tego ataku na Polonię przyłączamy! Gdybym był Amerykaninem polskiego pochodzenia, tego bym nie darował. Wypowiedź w audycji "Minął miesiąc" z udziałem prof. Jerzego Roberta Nowaka, Radio Maryja, 19 stycznia 2008 r.


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John Mearsheimer - Iraq, the Neocons and the Israel Lobby

R. Wendell Harrison Distinguished Service Professor
University of Chicago

Co-director, Program on International Security Policy
University of Chicago


E-mail: j-mearsheimer@uchicago.edu

Office Address:
Political Science Department
University of Chicago
5828 S. University Avenue
Chicago, IL 60637


Office Numbers:
Office Phone: 773-702-8667
Office FAX: 773-702-1689



Education:

Ph.D. (Government), Cornell University, 1981

M.A. (Government), Cornell University, 1978

M.A. (International Relations), University of Southern California, 1974

B.S. West Point, 1970

Honors:

"Remains of Education" Address to Class of 2005, University of Chicago, June 10, 2005

E.H. Carr Memorial Lecture, Aberystwyth, UK, October 14, 2004

Graduation Speaker, University of Chicago, June 11-12, 2004

Distinguished Scholar Award, International Studies Association (ISA), March 18, 2004

The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, recipient of Joseph Lepgold Book Prize

Conventional Deterrence, recipient of Edgar S. Furniss, Jr. Book Award

S. Rajaratnam Professorship in Strategic Studies, IDSS, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, 2004

Member, American Academy of Arts and Sciences

Whitney H. Shepardson Fellowship, Council on Foreign Relations, 1998-1999

"Aims of Education" Address to Class of 2001, University of Chicago, September 21, 1997

Quantrell Award for Distinguished Teaching, University of Chicago, 1985

Clark Award for Distinguished Teaching, Cornell University, 1977

PhD dissertation, honorable mention for APSA's 1980 81 Helen Dwight Reid Award

Phi Beta Kappa Visiting Scholar, 1993-1994

George Kistiakowsky Scholar, American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1986-1987

Academic Positions:

1975-1979, Graduate Student, Cornell University

1979-1980, Research Fellow, Brookings Institution

1980-1982, Research Associate, CFIA, Harvard University

1982-Present, member, Political Science Department, University of Chicago [Assistant Prof., 1982-1984; Associate Prof., 1984-1987; Professor, 1987-1995; Harrison Chair, 1996-Present; Department Chair, 1989-1992.]

1992-1993, Visiting Scholar, Olin Institute for Strategic Studies, Harvard University

Books:

John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007). Translated into Arabic, Catalan, Danish, Dutch, French, German, Greek, Italian, Japanese, and Spanish.

John J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: Norton, 2001). Translated into Chinese, Greek, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Portuguese, Romanian, and Serbian.

John J. Mearsheimer, Liddell Hart and the Weight of History (New York: Cornell University Press; London: Brassey's, 1988).

John J. Mearsheimer, Conventional Deterrence (New York: Cornell University Press, 1983).

Russell Hardin, John J. Mearsheimer, Robert E. Goodin, Gerald Dworkin, eds. Nuclear Deterrence: Ethics and Strategy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1985)

Articles and Book Chapters:

John J. Mearsheimer, "Structural Realism," in Tim Dunne, Milja Kurki, and Steve Smith, eds., International Relations Theories: Discipline and Diversity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 71-88.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Forward," in Naoto Yoshikawa and Kazuhiko Noguchi, Perspectives on International Relations (Tokyo: Keiso Text Selection, 2006), pp. i-vi.

John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, "The Israel Lobby," London Review of Books, Vol. 28, No. 6 (March 23, 2006), pp. 3-12. Reprinted in numerous places. Also see John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, "Letters: The Israel Lobby," London Review of Books, Vol. 28, No. 9 (May 11, 2006), pp. 4-5.

John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, "The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy," Faculty Research Working Paper No. RWP06-011, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, March 13, 2006. For a revised, updated, and unabridged version, see John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, "The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy," Middle East Policy, Vol. 13, No. 3 (Fall 2006), pp. 1-59.

John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, "The War over Israel's Influence," Foreign Policy, No. 155 (July/August 2006), pp. 57-58, 64-66.

John J. Mearsheimer, "China's Unpeaceful Rise," Current History, Vol. 105, No. 690 (April 2006), pp. 160-162.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Conversations in International Relations - Interview with John J. Mearsheimer (Part II)," International Relations, Vol. 20, No. 2 (2006), pp. 231-243.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Conversations in International Relations - Interview with John J. Mearsheimer (Part I)," International Relations, Vol. 20, No. 1 (2006), pp. 105-124.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Zu Diesem Buch," in Carlo Masala, Kenneth N. Waltz: Einführung in seine Theorie und Auseinandersetzung mit seinen Kritikern (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2005).

John J. Mearsheimer, "Hans Morgenthau and the Iraq War: Realism versus Neo-Conservatism," opendemocracy.com, posted May 19, 2005. Excerpted as "Realism is Right," in The National Interest, No. 81 (Fall 2005), p. 10. Also published as "Hans Morgenthau und der Irakkrieg: Realismus versus Neokonservatismus," in Merkur, Vol. 59, No. 677/678 (September-October 2005), pp. 836-844. Also published as "A Case Study of Iraq - Analogies to Vietnam?" in Christian Hacke, Gottfried-Karl Kindermann, and Kai M. Schellhorn, eds., The Heritage, Challenge, and Future of Realism (Gottingen: V&R Unipress, 2005), pp. 139-148.

John J. Mearsheimer, "The Mores Isms the Better," International Relations, Vol. 19, No. 3 (September 2005), pp. 354-359. [My response to five pieces responding to my "E.H. Carr vs. Idealism" piece]

John J. Mearsheimer, "E.H. Carr vs. Idealism: The Battle Rages On," International Relations, Vol. 19, No. 2 (June 2005), pp. 139-152.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Clash of the Titans," A Debate with Zbigniew Brzezinski on the Rise of China, Foreign Policy, No. 146 (January-February 2005), pp. 46-49.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Real World," letter published in the New Republic, August 9, 2004, p. 4.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Power and Fear in Great Power Politics," in G.O. Mazur, ed., One Hundred Year Commemoration to the Life of Hans Morgenthau (1904-2004) (New York: Semenenko Foundation, 2004), pp. 184-196.

John J. Mearsheimer, "A Self-Enclosed World?" in Ian Shapiro, Rogers M. Smith, and Tarek E. Masoud, eds., Problems and Methods in the Study of Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, pp. 388-394.

John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, "An Unnecessary War," Foreign Policy, No. 134 (January-February, 2003), pp. 50-59. Reprinted in Australian Financial Review, Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung (Germany), Prospect (UK), Gazeta Wyborcza (Poland), Magyar Narancs (Hungary), Foreign Policy-Arabic Edition, Foreign Policy-Turkish Edition, Gestion (Ecuador), Opposing Viewpoints: Middle East (Gale Group); and in Micah L. Sifry and Christopher Cerf, eds., The Iraq Reader: History, Documents, Opinions (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2003), pp. 414-424.

John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, "Can Saddam Be Contained? History Says Yes," (Cambridge, MA: Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, November 12, 2002).

John J. Mearsheimer, "Hearts and Minds," The National Interest, No. 69 (Fall 2002), pp. 13-16.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Realism, the Real World, and the Academy," in Michael Brecher and Frank P. Harvey, eds., Realism and Institutionalism in International Studies (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2002), pp. 23-33.

John J. Mearsheimer, "The Future of the American Pacifier," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 80, No. 5 (September/October, 2001), pp. 46-61.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Kissinger's Wisdom ... and Advice," The National Interest, No. 65 (Fall 2001), pp. 123-129.

John J. Mearsheimer, "The Case for Partitioning Kosovo," in Ted Galen Carpenter, ed., NATO's Empty Victory: A Postmortem on the Balkan War (Washington, DC: CATO Institute, 2000), pp. 133-138.

John J. Mearsheimer, "The Aims of Education," and "Teaching Morality at the Margins," in Philosophy and Literature, Vol. 22, No. 1 (April 1998), pp. 137-155, 193-198.

John J. Mearsheimer, "The Future of America's Continental Commitment," in Geir Lundestad, ed., No End To Alliance: The United States and Western Europe (New York: St. Martin's, 1998), pp. 221-242.

John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen Van Evera, "When Peace Means War," New Republic, December 18, 1995, pp. 16-21.

John J. Mearsheimer, "A Realist Reply," International Security, Vol. 20, No. 1 (Summer 1995), pp. 82-93. [My response to four pieces responding to my "False Promise" piece]

John J. Mearsheimer, "The False Promise of International Institutions," International Security, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Winter 1994/1995), pp. 5-49. Reprinted in Michael E. Brown et al., eds., The Perils of Anarchy: Contemporary Realism and International Security (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995), pp. 332-376; Michael E. Brown et al., eds., Theories of War and Peace: An International Security Reader (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998), pp. 329-383; Karen Mingst and Jack Snyder, eds., Essential Readings in World Politics (New York: Norton, 2000); Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, 7th ed, revised by Kenneth W. Thompson and W. David Clinton (New York: McGraw Hill, pp. 569-585. Originally published as Working Paper No. 10 for the Project on the Changing Security Environment and American National Interests, John M. Olin Institute for Strategic Studies, Harvard University, November 1994.

John J. Mearsheimer, "McNamara's War," The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Vol. 49, No. 6 (June/July 1993). Review of Deborah Shapley, Promise and Power: The Life and Times of Robert McNamara (New York: Little, Brown, 1993).

John J. Mearsheimer, "The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 72, No. 3 (Summer 1993), pp. 50-66.

John J. Mearsheimer and Robert A. Pape, "The Answer: A Three-Way Partition Plan for Bosnia And How the U.S. Can Enforce It," The New Republic, June 14, 1993, pp. 22-28.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Disorder Restored," in Graham Allison and Gregory Treverton, eds., Rethinking America's Security: Beyond Cold War to New World Order (New York: Norton, 1992), pp. 213-237.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Back to the Future: Instability in Europe After the Cold War," International Security, Vol. 15, No. 4 (Summer 1990), pp. 5-56. Reprinted in Sean M. Lynn-Jones, ed., The Cold War and After: Prospects for Peace (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1991), pp. 141-192; Michael E. Brown et al., eds., The Perils of Anarchy: Contemporary Realism and International Security (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995), pp. 78-129. and Michael E. Brown et al., eds., Theories of War and Peace: An International Security Reader (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998), pp. 3-54.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Correspondence: Back to the Future, Part III: Realism and the Realities of European Security," International Security, Vol. 15, No. 3 (Winter 1990/1991), pp. 219-222.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Correspondence: Back to the Future, Part II: International Relations Theory and Post-Cold War Europe," International Security, Vol. 15, No. 2 (Fall 1990), pp. 194-199.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Why We Will Soon Miss the Cold War," The Atlantic, August 1990, pp. 35-50. Reprinted in numerous places. Also see "Letters to the Editor: The Cold War Reconsidered," The Atlantic, November 1990, pp. 8-16.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Assessing the Conventional Balance: The 3:1 Rule and Its Critics," International Security, Vol. 13, No. 4 (Spring 1989), pp. 54-89.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Correspondence: Reassessing Net Assessment," International Security, Vol. 13, No. 4 (Spring 1989), pp. 128-144.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Numbers, Strategy, and the European Balance," International Security, Vol. 12, No. 4 (Spring 1988), pp. 174-185.

John J. Mearsheimer, "A Strategic Misstep: The Maritime Strategy and Deterrence in Europe," International Security, Vol. 11, No. 2 (Fall 1986), pp. 3 57. Reprinted in Robert J. Art and Kenneth N. Waltz, eds., The Use of Force, 3rd ed. (New York: University Press of America, 1988), pp. 590-617; and Steven E. Miller and Stephen Van Evera, eds., Naval Strategy and National Security (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), pp. 47-101.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Prospects for Conventional Deterrence in Europe," The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Vol. 41, No. 7 (August 1985), pp. 158 162. Reprinted in Len Ackland and Steven McGuire, eds., Assessing the Nuclear Age (Chicago: Education Foundation for Nuclear Science, 1986), pp. 335-343.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Nuclear Weapons and Deterrence in Europe," International Security, Vol. 9, No. 3 (Winter 1984/1985), pp. 19 46. Reprinted in Hylke Tromp, ed., War in Europe (Aldershot, Eng.: Avebury, 1989), pp. 71-100.

John J. Mearsheimer, "War in the Modern Great Power System, 1495-1975," Journal of Modern History, Vol. 56, No. 4 (December 1984), pp. 710-711. Review essay of Jack S. Levy, War in the Modern Great Power System, 1495-1975 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1983).

John J. Mearsheimer, "The Military Reform Movement: A Critical Assessment," ORBIS, Vol. 27, No. 2 (Summer 1983), pp. 285-300.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Why the Soviets Can't Win Quickly in Central Europe," International Security, Vol. 7, No. 1 (Summer 1982), pp. 3 39. Reprinted in Robert J. Art and Kenneth N. Waltz, eds., The Use of Force, 3rd ed. (New York: University Press of America, 1988), pp. 442-463; and Steven E. Miller, ed., Conventional Forces and American Defense Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 121-157.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Maneuver, Mobile Defense and the NATO Central Front," International Security, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Winter 1981/1982), pp. 104 122. Reprinted in Steven E. Miller, ed., Conventional Forces and American Defense Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 231-249.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Correspondence" [regarding the "British Generals Talk"], International Security, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Winter 1981/82), pp. 227 229.

John J. Mearsheimer, "The British Generals Talk," International Security, Vol. 6, No. 1 (Summer 1981), pp. 165 184.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Rejoinder" in "Debate on Precision guided Munitions," Survival, Vol. XXII, No. 1 (January February 1980), pp. 20 22.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Precision guided Munitions and Conventional Deterrence," Survival, Vol. XXI, No. 2 (March April 1979), pp. 68 76.

Op-Ed Pieces:

John J. Mearsheimer, "The Rise of China Will Not Be Peaceful at All," The Australian, November 18, 2005.

John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, "Keeping Saddam Hussein in a Box," New York Times, February 2, 2003.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Guns Won't Win the Afghan War," New York Times, November 4, 2001.

John J. Mearsheimer et al., "War with Iraq Is Not in America's National Interest," New York Times paid advertisement, September 26, 2002.

John J. Mearsheimer, "The Impossible Partition," New York Times, January 11, 2001.

John J. Mearsheimer, "India Needs The Bomb," New York Times, March 24, 2000.

John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen Van Evera, "Redraw the Map, Stop the Killing," New York Times, April 19, 1999.

John J. Mearsheimer, "A Peace Agreement That's Bound To Fail," New York Times, October 19, 1998.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Here We Go Again," New York Times, May 17, 1998.

John J. Mearsheimer, "The Only Exit From Bosnia," New York Times, October 7, 1997.

John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen Van Evera, "Hateful Neighbors," New York Times, September 24, 1996.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Shrink Bosnia to Save It," New York Times, March 31, 1993.

John J. Mearsheimer, "Will Iraq Fight or Fold Its Tent? Liberation in Less Than a Week," New York Times, February 8, 1991.

John J. Mearsheimer, "A War the U.S. Can Win - Decisively," Chicago Tribune, January 15, 1991.

Work Experience:

July 1981 July 1982, Executive Secretary, Strategy and Arms Control Seminar, Harvard University.

May 1978 August 1978, Internship at the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA), Washington, D.C.

June 1970 August 1975, Officer, U.S. Air Force.

June 1965 July 1966, Enlisted Man, U.S. Army.

Other:

Member, Advisory Committee, National Interest.

Member, Board of Advisors of Foreign Affairs.

Member, Editorial Board, International Security.

Member, Editorial Board, Security Studies.

Member, Editorial Board, International History Review, 1997-2000.

Member, Editorial Board, JFQ: Joint Forces Quarterly.

Member, Editorial Board, Journal of Transatlantic Studies.

Member, Editorial Board, Asian Security.

Member, Editorial Board, China Security.

Member, International Editorial Committee, International Relations.

Member, Council on Foreign Relations (New York).

Member, Chicago Council on Global Affairs.

Member, International Institute for Strategic Studies.

Member, Visiting Committee of MIT Political Science Department, 2004-2008.

Member, International Academic Advisory Board, BESA Center for Strategic Studies, Bar-Ilan University, Israel, 1993-2006.

Member, Board of Advisors, Center on Peace and Liberty, Independent Institute.

Consultant, RAND Corporation, 1985-1986.

Secretary-Treasurer, Inter University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society, 1985-1987.

Senior Fellow, John M. Olin Center for Inquiry Into the Theory and Practice of Democracy, University of Chicago.

Testified before Senate Foreign Relations Committee on October 3, 1985. See U.S. Congress, SFRC, A NATO Strategy for the 1990's, Part 5, 99th Cong., 1st Sess., October 3, 1985.

Testified before Senate Armed Services Committee on October 20, 1987. See U.S. Congress, SASC, Alliance and Defense Capabilities in Europe, 100th Cong., 1st Sess., October 20, 1987. Also reprinted in John T. Rourke, Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Issues in World Politics, 2nd ed. (Guilford, Ct.: Dushkin, 1989), pp. 224-230.

Section Chairperson for "National Security Policy" for the 1987 American Political Science Association Convention.

Member, Chicago Study Group on U.S. National Interests after the Cold War (Sponsored by Council on Foreign Relations), 1996.

Member, James Madison Award Selection Committee, American Political Science Association, 1999.

Member, Helen Dwight Reid Award Selection Committee, American Political Science Association, 2006.

Co-chair (with John L. Gaddis) of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences' "Committee on History, the Social Sciences and International Security Affairs," 1987-1990.

Associate member of the London School of Economics’ "Cold War Studies Centre" (CWSC).

Member, Selection Committee for President of the University of Chicago, 2005-2006.

Updated: August 09, 2007